di Fausto Carioti
Che Silvio Berlusconi abbia un’idea di democrazia diversa da quella prevista dalla Costituzione italiana è fuori di dubbio. Lo si è visto anche ieri. Lui stesso, ormai da tempo, non fa nulla per nascondere il proprio grande progetto: svecchiare le istituzioni per rendere più rapida l’azione del governo, rafforzando il legame diretto tra il premier e gli elettori. Ma si tratta pur sempre di un’idea di democrazia legittima, simile a quella di democrazie ben più solide e datate della nostra. Cosa che la sinistra finge di non sapere, accusando Berlusconi di voler creare «una democrazia plebiscitaria» (Walter Veltroni), of "subversion" (Luigi Zanda), of "fascism" (Antonio Di Pietro, of course).
'View from inside, the activities of the government and Parliament in making laws is a hell. We have an institutional architecture that makes it difficult to make projects more done, concrete and active, "he attacked the prime minister yesterday, unleashing a flood of reactions from the opposition. Yet the Constitution must be changed in the direction indicated by him, have repeatedly said the same center-left leader. He repeats often Giorgio Napolitano, when casting his call to rewrite specific provisions of the Charter, 'in particular with regard to the form of government. " And what was to serve the bicameral committee headed by Massimo D'Alema between 1997 and '98, if not to turn the second part of the Constitution, changing - as stated in the law that established it - 'form of state, a form of government and bicameral "? A failed mission (also because of Berlusconi), D'Alema accused "the coalition of conservative forces, including the middle class that really wants the political weakness and blackmail." Speech is not very different from those made recently by the Prime Minister against the lobby of conservation.
When Berlusconi, as he did yesterday, complaining that the Constitution is' \u200b\u200bdated 'and the ordering provides Italian' permits, authorizations, concessions and licenses typical of a totalitarian state "always refers to the same thing: the purpose of the Charter of '48 and the organization that it is derived, in fact, not was to make business decision making, but to ensure citizens, families and businesses on the decision too risky. Harness, then. Understandable goal for a country just out of Mussolini's Fascist, but without the sense that Italy must now measure their own policies with those of countries like U.S., France, United Kingdom. Where, in one way or another, governments and those who operate the levers that can drive at Palazzo Chigi not exist.
The U.S. president is directly elected by the people and is the head of government, appoint and dismiss ministers and does not depend on the confidence of parliament. In the model, the French president, elected by the citizens and not employed by the Chambers, chooses the prime minister and other members of the executive. He may dissolve the National Assembly. And the almost simultaneous election of the president and parliament makes it very unlikely that the first is not at the same time, also the leader of the political coalition that wins. In the English model, the premier is the leader of the majority party chooses and dismisses ministers and can get the early termination of the chambers. You these countries and other major democracies facing Berlusconi. Feeling 'plebiscite', 'subversive' or 'fascist' and the design, for the simple fact that is based on direct drivers of the government, the increase of executive power, is like saying that the United States, France or England are not democracies; which is a bit 'funny, especially the mouth of someone like Di Pietro.
Berlusconi is not even the first to ask the question. The attempt to change the electoral law brought forward in 1953 by Christian Democrat leader Alcide De Gasperi had as its ultimate aim to strengthen and stabilize the government. And it was a law that, decades later, received belated appreciation also to the left. For example, by Giuseppe Vacca, president of Gramsci, who acknowledged that such a reform would have accelerated the Italian transition towards a modern democracy. If it had been such a force in the electoral system, Vacca wrote, "the fulfillment of the reformist evolution" of the PCI and the problem of its separation from the USSR would have imposed much earlier. "
Berlusconi, in short, has good reasons to believe that a few decades, the history and the left, at least this will give reason. His immediate problem, however, is to change the Constitution in this legislature. If the Prime Minister yesterday admitted that he had it all wrong with the plane home ("I thought it was a true genius, but I am not aware that there is only a work in progress') means that some doubt on the construction capabilities of Berlusconi came to him.
© Free . Published June 10, 2010.
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