Congratulations Messages For Marraige

L'unione innaturale tra i finiani e Berlusconi

Fausto Carioti

You can think what you want the new law on wiretapping, which like everything else in this mondo è migliorabile. Non ci sono dubbi, invece, sul fatto che quella norma, nella formulazione con la quale sta per sbarcare a Montecitorio, sia stata controfirmata da Gianfranco Fini e dai suoi uomini, i quali adesso la vogliono cambiare, tradendo l’impegno preso con il resto del partito. Se andrà davvero così, saremo a una svolta decisiva nella storia di questo Paese: tra Silvio Berlusconi da una parte e il partito di Repubblica e la sinistra dall’altra, l’ex leader di An e un manipolo dei suoi avranno scelto il secondo schieramento. Scelta che può stupire molti elettori del centrodestra, ma che in realtà è coerente con l’ideologia dei personaggi in questione.

Quella che Forza Italia e Alleanza National parties were two perfectly mixed, in fact, is a beautiful story behind which lurk in many a long time. But things are a bit 'different. To be sure, many who had been before the Social Movement and then the attraction of An have been one of Berlusconi as leader of the center. The only able to watch the post-communists from top to bottom, treating them as relics of failed politics and history (which is what in many cases). One without an inferiority complex towards anyone, if anything, even with the opposite problem: a huge ego. Thus, millions of voters and thousands of politicians have continued to stay within the boundaries of An with its own history and proprie idee, ma sapendo bene che chi vinceva le elezioni e distribuiva gli incarichi alla fine era Berlusconi: a suo modo, una garanzia. Per costoro, il parto del PdL è stato naturale e indolore.

Non tutti, però, dentro Alleanza nazionale la pensavano così. Molti, anche se non la maggioranza, avevano un patrimonio di idee non solo diverso da quello dei forzisti (cosa scontata), ma opposto. C’era e permane in costoro, ben radicato e costante, un rifiuto epidermico nei confronti di Berlusconi e tutto ciò che egli rappresenta: il partito-azienda, il profitto incarnato, l’impresa al servizio degli azionisti e non della “comunità”, un liberismo (più mitologico che reale, purtroppo) agli antipodi di quella cultura anticapitalistica che ancora caratterizza parte della destra italiana. Del resto, non si può passare da Ezra Pound a Luigi Einaudi, dal denaro «sterco del demonio» di cui scrive Massimo Fini alle cene con Berlusconi, senza nutrire qualche riserva mentale, senza porsi domande su ciò che si sta facendo. Sono differenze che non riguardano solo i “vecchi”, ma anche i giovani di Forza Italia e An, i quali hanno anch’essi letture e linguaggi diversi e talvolta inconciliabili.

Tutte queste pulsioni sono rimaste sopite a lungo, ma alla fine l’incompatibilità è diventata pubblica e si è saldata con la rabbia di chi sperava di contare di più nel nuovo partito e in questo government. The result is that now the protofiniano Fabio Granata goes around saying that changing the law upon which it had reached an agreement with Berlusconi and his "it is a duty." But then someone should explain why Fini, a week ago, said he defended the legality of that same text, and the Bureau - Finian included - had voted unanimously. Those of Farefuturo then challenge the Prime Minister really going to vote early for the law on wiretapping and to explain to voters a similar choice in times of economic crisis. Reasoning that would not flawless, if only you had the courage to call him by his name: blackmail.

But the real question is not because now they turn against the rest of the PDL, do everything to get the applause of the left and do not have the tools to bear the brunt of the campaign initiated by the Republic. These are normal things for those who, like them, has Berlusconi and his idea similar to that which has left a life and yearns to be recognized by the "red" the dignity of equal partner. The real question is why, at the time, some members of An chose to ally himself with someone like Berlusconi, who represented the opposite of everything he had fought until then. Maybe they did because they believed it was a meteor, and that after they were in command. Legitimate aspiration, but it turned out to be wrong. Or did it because they realized that only by following him would have finally been able to gain power and emoluments. This calculation also legitimate, but did not lead where you wanted, though today they are ready to smash everything.

Not that their projects are important then all this: the point of no return has been passed and now, whatever happens this history of wiretapping, the unnatural union is destined to end very soon.

© Free . Published June 16, 2010.

Bulma And Vegeta Doujishi

La presa in giro del taglio delle province

Fausto Carioti

them re not enough now with the litany of money that they are not, with solemn undertaking to reduce the cost of the policy, the fact that the government and the majority have their hands tied by the powers more or less strong. Because the story of cutting the provinces, which ended yesterday as expected, and that is a joke, teaches just the opposite. The money can be found at least 11 billion a year. Reducing costs of the policy, which all fill your mouth, it is an election slogan that nobody intends to honor. And this time the powers that affect the action non-elected executive and Parliament have nothing to do: If you will not be suppressed even a province of the reasons are all internal to the system of political parties and elected officials. Blame the political class, in short, but most of the majority and the government, that this commitment with the voters had participated.

From Deputies have indicated that the Chairman of the Committee for Constitutional Affairs, Donato Bruno, the PDL, had tabled an amendment to delete Article 14 of the Charter of the self, to vote in those days. That is, the article stated that to reduce, albeit slightly, the number of provinces. Have voted to abolish the Members of the PDL, the League and the Democratic Party. Those of API, the new "thing" by Francesco Rutelli, abstained, while the UDC has voted against. The explanation of the undersecretary Aldo Brancher is flawless, "The speaker has realized che si sarebbe ridotto un numero molto ristretto di province. Di fatto, non aveva un forte significato mantenere questa norma».

In altre parole, prima si è svuotato il provvedimento, rendendolo applicabile a sole quattro province. Quindi, invece di renderlo più robusto, come sarebbe stato normale, si è preferito ammazzarlo. E pazienza se qualcuno aveva creduto a quanto scritto nel programma del PdL: «Ridurremo la spesa pubblica nella sua parte eccessiva. A partire dal costo della politica e dell’apparato burocratico (ad esempio delle province inutili)».

Che il vento soffiasse in questa direzione lo si era capito da un pezzo. Cioè da quando la Lega aveva messo il veto sul taglio delle province, on the ground - not at all a secret - that many of these are governed by the Northern League. In the wake of liberation and the public, and given the desperate need to address money, however it was decided to do something. Thus, in corrective action, it was checked the abolition of the provinces "whose population is less than 220 thousand inhabitants," provided it does not confinino with other states and regions are in an ordinary statute. In practice, would be cut ten provinces: Biella, Vercelli, Massa Carrara, Fermo, Ascoli Piceno, Rieti, Isernia, Matera, Italy, Crotone and Vibo Valentia. A few, compared to the total of 110. But in any case sufficient to give the signal of the turnaround.

Le province condannate, ovviamente, mobilitavano i propri amici in Parlamento. Così il provvedimento scompariva dal testo della manovra (un decreto) ed entrava dopo qualche giorno nella Carta delle autonomie (disegno di legge, assai più aggredibile). Il nuovo taglio era riservato alle sole province con meno di 200mila abitanti. Ma anche in questo caso il numero dei caduti era superiore a quello che la politica italiana è in grado di sopportare. Un emendamento del PdL interveniva allora per salvare dalla mannaia le province che hanno almeno 150mila abitanti, se il loro territorio è «montano almeno per il 50 per cento». Terminati gli improbabili calcoli sulla montuosità delle province italiane, sulla lista nera ne restavano appena quattro: Vercelli, Isernia, Fermo e Vibo Valentia.

Ora, che senso ha tagliare solo quattro province, creando un grande sconquasso tra gli elettori e i politici locali, ottenendo per di più risparmi modesti? Per non parlare della comprensibile rabbia delle vittime: perché tutti gli altri sono stati salvati e noi no? Appunto. Così, ieri si è posto fine all’equivoco: non se ne taglia nessuna, abbiamo scherzato. Buono a sapersi. Per la cronaca: le province italiane costano, a seconda dei calcoli, tra i 14 e i 20 miliardi l’anno, e abolirle senza licenziarne i dipendenti, ricollocandoli cioè nel resto della pubblica amministrazione, garantirebbe un risparmio annuale di 11 miliardi.

© Libero . Pubblicato l'11 giugno 2010.

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Ma quale "eversivo"

di Fausto Carioti

Che Silvio Berlusconi abbia un’idea di democrazia diversa da quella prevista dalla Costituzione italiana è fuori di dubbio. Lo si è visto anche ieri. Lui stesso, ormai da tempo, non fa nulla per nascondere il proprio grande progetto: svecchiare le istituzioni per rendere più rapida l’azione del governo, rafforzando il legame diretto tra il premier e gli elettori. Ma si tratta pur sempre di un’idea di democrazia legittima, simile a quella di democrazie ben più solide e datate della nostra. Cosa che la sinistra finge di non sapere, accusando Berlusconi di voler creare «una democrazia plebiscitaria» (Walter Veltroni), of "subversion" (Luigi Zanda), of "fascism" (Antonio Di Pietro, of course).

'View from inside, the activities of the government and Parliament in making laws is a hell. We have an institutional architecture that makes it difficult to make projects more done, concrete and active, "he attacked the prime minister yesterday, unleashing a flood of reactions from the opposition. Yet the Constitution must be changed in the direction indicated by him, have repeatedly said the same center-left leader. He repeats often Giorgio Napolitano, when casting his call to rewrite specific provisions of the Charter, 'in particular with regard to the form of government. " And what was to serve the bicameral committee headed by Massimo D'Alema between 1997 and '98, if not to turn the second part of the Constitution, changing - as stated in the law that established it - 'form of state, a form of government and bicameral "? A failed mission (also because of Berlusconi), D'Alema accused "the coalition of conservative forces, including the middle class that really wants the political weakness and blackmail." Speech is not very different from those made recently by the Prime Minister against the lobby of conservation.

When Berlusconi, as he did yesterday, complaining that the Constitution is' \u200b\u200bdated 'and the ordering provides Italian' permits, authorizations, concessions and licenses typical of a totalitarian state "always refers to the same thing: the purpose of the Charter of '48 and the organization that it is derived, in fact, not was to make business decision making, but to ensure citizens, families and businesses on the decision too risky. Harness, then. Understandable goal for a country just out of Mussolini's Fascist, but without the sense that Italy must now measure their own policies with those of countries like U.S., France, United Kingdom. Where, in one way or another, governments and those who operate the levers that can drive at Palazzo Chigi not exist.

The U.S. president is directly elected by the people and is the head of government, appoint and dismiss ministers and does not depend on the confidence of parliament. In the model, the French president, elected by the citizens and not employed by the Chambers, chooses the prime minister and other members of the executive. He may dissolve the National Assembly. And the almost simultaneous election of the president and parliament makes it very unlikely that the first is not at the same time, also the leader of the political coalition that wins. In the English model, the premier is the leader of the majority party chooses and dismisses ministers and can get the early termination of the chambers. You these countries and other major democracies facing Berlusconi. Feeling 'plebiscite', 'subversive' or 'fascist' and the design, for the simple fact that is based on direct drivers of the government, the increase of executive power, is like saying that the United States, France or England are not democracies; which is a bit 'funny, especially the mouth of someone like Di Pietro.

Berlusconi is not even the first to ask the question. The attempt to change the electoral law brought forward in 1953 by Christian Democrat leader Alcide De Gasperi had as its ultimate aim to strengthen and stabilize the government. And it was a law that, decades later, received belated appreciation also to the left. For example, by Giuseppe Vacca, president of Gramsci, who acknowledged that such a reform would have accelerated the Italian transition towards a modern democracy. If it had been such a force in the electoral system, Vacca wrote, "the fulfillment of the reformist evolution" of the PCI and the problem of its separation from the USSR would have imposed much earlier. "

Berlusconi, in short, has good reasons to believe that a few decades, the history and the left, at least this will give reason. His immediate problem, however, is to change the Constitution in this legislature. If the Prime Minister yesterday admitted that he had it all wrong with the plane home ("I thought it was a true genius, but I am not aware that there is only a work in progress') means that some doubt on the construction capabilities of Berlusconi came to him.

© Free . Published June 10, 2010.

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I conti di Bersani smontati dall'Eurostat

Fausto Carioti

Now it also says the Eurostat is written Pier Luigi Bersani, says accountant Ugo Fantozzi. Thursday evening, during Annozero, remembering the motto of the strategists of Bill Clinton ("It's the economy, stupid!"), The Secretary of the Democratic Party has poured on the government to blame the economic crisis. In his argument, the sheets prepared Editor Michele Santoro, the numbers mounted on purpose so as to show Italy as the worst small country in Europe. Example: the keeping of household incomes, where Italy (to shine) limps, the board to compare our country with France and Germany, in situations of course best. But unemployment, which shines in spite of all Italy, the same comparison was not done, and Santoro merely give the numbers of unemployed Italians. Your viewers should not know that France is making much worse than us, or that the average European unemployment (9.7%) is higher than the Italian (8.9%). Not to mention the comparison with Spain's Jose Luis Zapatero, who took to the PD model until recently, where unemployment now exceeds 20%. Bersani thus could accuse Giulio Tremonti and the Government have committed blatant "errors in economic policy and public finance." Obvious: if others are better, someone around here must have been wrong. "Why are we so low with the growth?" Asked the Minister Bersani. Nothing new, not having ideas to propose to the voters, fans of the Pd crisis. But Bersani

poor these days is not a straight. Yesterday morning, Eurostat, the Statistical Office of the European Union, has released new data on economic growth. In the first quarter of 2010 domestic product lordo italiano è cresciuto dello 0,5%, dopo che negli ultimi tre mesi del 2009 era sceso dello 0,1%. Eurolandia, in media, sale appena dello 0,2%. Il Pil francese aumenta solo dello 0,1%, quello tedesco dello 0,2%, il Regno Unito cresce dello 0,3%. La morale è chiara: piaccia o meno a Bersani e Santoro, in questo momento l’economia italiana corre più delle altre e sembra avere appena visto il primo vero segnale di ripresa. L’Istat, confermando che a maggio le richieste di cassa integrazione sono rimaste stabili rispetto ad aprile, dà altri motivi per sperare che il peggio sia davvero alle spalle. Mentre il presidente di Confindustria, Emma Marcegaglia, si spinge a prevedere per il Pil italiano un balzo dell’1,2% this year. Bersani will put aside the economic growth and try to find other topics.

course, the Berlusconi government can not continue to reward the bad performance of the other European countries. Perhaps they understood the ministers: Prime Minister calling for development interventions to Tremonti after the blow of switching to 25 billion, the owner of Economy finally seems to have given positive response. He has done in his style, as always, at no cost to state coffers. Tremonti, in fact, yesterday announced a "liberal revolution" that does not involve additional cost, to be implemented in two steps: a reform of Article 41 of the Constitution, to promote the initiative private giving "anything that can not be prohibited," and the temporary suspension of inspections and audits for small and medium enterprises. To open a business, in essence, the requirements, rather than before, will be considered after the company was started. Were true, it would be a nice cut to the "strings and snares" Guido Carli was talking about thirty years ago. And anyway, for lovers of statistics, this is the first announcement made liberal interventionism Tremonti in this legislature.

reason to be skeptical about the implementation of this deregulation are not lacking: the entrepreneurs who could not enjoy the benefits of submitting to accuse the government of “concorrenza sleale” dei nuovi arrivati. Le corporazioni si inalbereranno e qualcuno nella maggioranza si chiederà se, dopo gli statali, è il caso di inimicarsi anche piccoli imprenditori e professionisti. La legge sulle intercettazioni, del resto, insegna che questo governo spesso parte per abbattere le montagne e finisce per arrancare sui tornanti. Però, oltre al taglio della burocrazia, altre scelte a disposizione dell’esecutivo non se ne vedono. Almeno fin quando Tremonti non deciderà che è giunta l’ora di tagliare le tasse.

© Libero . Pubblicato il 5 giugno 2010.

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La solitudine di Tremonti

Fausto Carioti

È nel momento in cui sembra essere diventato l’uomo più potente d’Italia che si scopre quanto è fragile Giulio Tremonti. Il titolare dell’Economia ha scritto la manovra da 25 miliardi passando con i propri cingoli sui piedi degli altri ministri. È la superstar del governo: il Corriere della Sera gli ha appena riservato una di quelle interviste molto lunghe, profonde e assai poco leggibili che di solito sono privilegio delle grandi “riserve della Repubblica”. Le trasmissioni di sinistra fanno a gara per invitarlo. Ultimo caso, il Ballarò di martedì, dove dai curiosi sondaggi di Nando Pagnoncelli è emerso che gli italiani in maggioranza (51%) bocciano la manovra, ma allo stesso tempo assegnano a Tremonti, autore dell’odioso provvedimento, un gradimento del 55%, unico caso di consenso crescente nel centrodestra. Luciana Littizzetto, intanto, lo ha eletto volto presentabile del centrodestra italiano.

Un tripudio. Eppure, mai come adesso, Tremonti è stato inviso alla maggioranza e ai colleghi di governo. Un po’, ovviamente, è colpa proprio dei risultati ottenuti, che suscitano invidie. Lui, però, ci aggiunge del suo, mettendo dietro al suo ego crescente il resto del governo e della coalizione. Berlusconi incluso. A Ballarò, per dire, il ministro ha gongolato dinanzi a quel sondaggio che lo premiava, ma si è guardato bene dal difendere il presidente del Consiglio e l’esecutivo. E questa è stata una delle molle che hanno spinto l’imbufalito Berlusconi to intervene directly, using it as a figure of what Tremonti, left alone, does not know - or unwilling - to fight for his friends. Pure

he realized he had done something wrong, point to admit that was a mistake to delete the funding to 231 cultural institutions without discussing it with anyone. So much so that, eventually, the cuts have been reduced and - what is most important - will be the Ministry of Sandro Bondi to decide which institutions affect. But it is so with everyone. The other day he blurted Ignazio La Russa, Minister of Defense: "The genes of finance and the economy will leave us a free hand, we know what to do better than them." Other grudge in silenzio, sentendosi scavalcati non solo da Tremonti, ma anche dai suoi collaboratori: «Giulio lascia troppo potere ai tecnici del Tesoro. In certi casi addirittura li aizza. E loro se ne approfittano per compiere piccole e grandi vendette», lamenta un esponente del governo.

I nemici di Tremonti, però, confidano che il vento stia per cambiare. Presto la manovra arriverà in Parlamento. Da dove tanti, anche nel PdL, contano di farla uscire ben diversa da come è entrata. È allo studio la richiesta di estendere ad altri dicasteri la soluzione adottata per i Beni culturali, ovvero di affidare ai singoli ministri il compito di decidere dove tagliare nei rispettivi settori, in base al principio per cui ognuno pota le piante nel proprio giardino, a patto che ottenga i risultati previsti. Un progetto condiviso da Berlusconi, il quale ha visto con favore le uscite anti-tremontiane di Bondi e La Russa e ieri ha detto ai suoi che la manovra «è migliorabile in Parlamento».

Anche quanto accaduto ieri pomeriggio a palazzo Grazioli fa riflettere. Tremonti si è presentato verso l’una ed è uscito due ore e mezza dopo. L’incontro con il Cavaliere, però, è durato poco più di mezz’ora. Berlusconi, infatti, aveva altra compagnia a pranzo. Tremonti ha dovuto vedersela con Gianni Letta e solo dopo ha potuto discutere con il premier di quanto accaduto a Ballarò e della manovra, sulla quale il Cavaliere si è limitato a dire che The final balance will remain the same: not the complete reassurance that the Minister was trying, in short. Berlusconi, for that matter, begins to see Tremonti as the candidate of the premier powers that be, and is in the attention it devotes to the Corriere della Sera to confirm his suspicions. From his part the prime minister believes he can have the Bank of Italy governor, Mario Draghi, who Monday called for lower taxes and to introduce measures for development. Messages aimed primarily at Tremonti. Berlusconi - tell-much appreciated too.

© Free . Published June 3, 2010.

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Lo strappo istituzionale

Fausto Carioti

It takes a physical beast, and who knows if Silvio Berlusconi still has it. The prime minister has filed a few hours practice the maneuver with the signing of sospiratissima Giorgio Napolitano. He just cashed a promotion by the governor Mario Draghi, both made in economic policy over the past two years, has just launched the operation because "under the new conditions of market action was inevitable." In short, everything seems promising. Even institutional clashes seem behind. But it is a feeling that does not last long. To delete thinks Gianfranco Fini. In mid-afternoon, the Speaker of the House acts to express "doubts on the text of the Senate bill on wiretapping" means the transitional provision, included to make applicable to the measure processes under way, according to Fini "is contrary to the principle of reasonableness." Concept by which we can agree or not. But there is no doubt that, in the comedy of this term, Fini is more fun to cover two very different roles between them, a tall figure institutional side, the other leader of a minority of the PDL.

is not the first time I was all short-circuits. Last August, assured that he would do "everything possible to correct the House" the draft law on living wills, because as it was not going well. A title that spoke, as chairman of the House, partisan office, or as head Secularist of the area of \u200b\u200bthe PDL? As both of these, is evident. From there, the confusion continued.

Yesterday, however, the Speaker of the House went further: He put his beak in the affairs of the other branch of Parliament, where the draft law on wiretapping. It is a serious tear in respect of constitutional practice, that the two chambers have equal and are independent of each other. Schifani, said those who were with him when he read the attack Fini, was unable to restrain anger. "Meanwhile, because the Speaker of the House gave opinions on the work of the Senate, making heavy interference," says by Palazzo Madama. "And then, to make his gesture even more serious is the fact that the Senate had not yet decided on the bill." Statements of Fini, in fact, came out to work in progress, and the majority of the senators know that what they were doing would have been removed from the Speaker of the House was an institutional outrage.

A further complicate relations between the two presidents, the fact that fate has come just when Schifani was weaving a work of mediation with the parliamentary opposition. Sabotage itself, in other words, even if Berlusconi prefer to call it "a time bomb, an exit a straight leg and made the hard way at the worst time. " And "a betrayal", as in recent days, when the prime minister plenipotentiary of Niccolo Ghedini went on to deal with Fini law, he did not bode of his intentions. Hard, in short, give the wrong forzista Gaetano Quagliariello when asked in order to 'overcome the conflict of interest arising from his dual role. " That is not a request for resignation, as I like to read the PD to throw fuel on the fire of the majority, but the call to stop covering two roles are incompatible. Fini invitation but, as he wrote the Age today (not that there is any doubt), has no going to accept.

At this point, the rupture of the PDL, there is no question of "if" but "when." Berlusconi already at this moment whether the league has to do with asking for the immediate implementation of federalism (greeting), with speculation on the international seal of public finances, with Tremonti does not want to cut taxes. All the most important issues in the eyes of voters, the law on wiretapping, and Fini aware. That is, despite everything, the end is likely that one shred of agreement between the two jumps out. "But clearly," explains a forzista close to the prime minister, "that we have now with Fini past the point of no return. It is now clear a tutti perché riteniamo incompatibili i suoi due ruoli. Quello che ha appena fatto rappresenta un nuovo passo, decisivo, verso il divorzio».

© Libero . Pubblicato il 1 giugno 2010.